Egyptian striker Mohamed Salah runs with the ball during the Africa Cup of Nations (CAN) 2021 final football match between Senegal and Egypt at Olembe stadium in Yaounde on 6 February 2022 (AFP)

Wednesday, June 1

Group E

Angola 2-1 Central Africa
Scorers: Nzola 72, Gelson 76/ Nlend 32

Ghana 3-0 Madagascar
Scorers: Kudus 53, Afena-Gyan 56, Bukari 84

Group J

Libya 1-0 Botswana
Scorer: Taher 53

Thursday, June 2

Group J

Tunisia 4-0 Equatorial Guinea
Scorers: Naim Sliti 56, Seifeddin Jaziri 77, Youssef Msakni 80, 85

Group L

Mozambique 1-1 Rwanda
Scorers: Stanley Ratifo 67 / Blaise Nishimwe 65

Friday, June 3

Group B

Togo 2-2 Eswatini
Scorers: Fessou 20, Laba 87/ Ndzinisa 85, Ngwenya 90+5

Burkina Faso 2-0 Cape Verde
Scorers: Band 58, Ouattara 88

Group H

Comoros 2-0 Lesotho
Scorers: M’Changama 59, Youssouf 81

Ivory Coast 3-1 Zambia
Scorers: Aurier 67, Kouame 76, Sangaré 89/ Daka 90+4

Saturday June 4

Group C

Namibia 1-1 Burundi
Scorers: Shalulile 10 / Bimenyimana 88

Group F

Niger 1-1 Tanzania
Scorers: Daniel Sosah 26 / George Mpole 1

Algeria 2-0 Uganda
Scorers: Aissa Mandi 28, Youcef Belaili 80

Group G

Gambia 1-0 South Sudan
Scorer: Ablie Jallow 45+4

Mali 4-0 Congo
Scorers: Mohamed Camara 1, El Bilal Touré 11, 40, Kalifa Coulibaly 44

Group I

DR Congo 0-1 Gabon
Scorer: Warren Shavy 23

Mauritania 3-0 Sudan
Scorers: Aboubakar Kamara 27pen, 30, Abdallahi Mahmoud 77

Group L

Senegal 3-1 Benin
Scorers: Sadio Mane 12pen, 22, 60pen / Junior Olaitan 88

Sunday June 5

Group D

Malawi 2-1 Ethiopia
Scorers: Gabadinho Mhango 10pen, 34pen / Ahmed Nassir 67pen

Egypt 1-0 Guinea
Scorer: Mostafa Mohamed 87

(For more sports news and updates, follow Ahram Online Sports on Twitter at @AO_Sports and on Facebook at AhramOnlineSports.)

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Zambia head coach Aljosa Asanovic believes they have a strong squad capable of defeating Ivory Coast in their 2023 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier at Yamoussoukro Stadium on Friday.

The Chipolopolo, who had pitched camp in Accra, Ghana ahead of their Group H match, will face an uphill battle against a star-studded Ivorian side but according to the Croatian coach they are ready to fight in the match at the outside.

“Ivory Coast have a very strong team, they are a very organized team with good players playing in big clubs but I am so positive about my players and my team,” said Asanovic. FAZ media as quoted by Bolla Zambia.

“We prepared very well, we concentrated and we came into the game very strong, I see the quality, the family atmosphere, and they are very professional.”

While Zambia have been absent from the Afcon finals for the past three editions, Asanovic believes a positive start will boost his chances of ending the draw and boost the morale of the country’s fans.

“I want to finish this match against Ivory Coast in the best way for the Zambian people, for me, my staff and my players,” Asanovic continued.

While Zambia will bank on skipper Enock Mwepu, Fashion Sakala and Patson Daka, Ivory Coast will have a galaxy of European-based players to choose from, including Sebastien Haller, Wilfried Zaha, Christian Kouame, Ibrahim Sangare, Max Gradel and Frank. Kesie.

Regarding the team’s preparations before the game, Asanovic said: “The final preparations have been completed, we have worked very hard and we are really looking forward to the game, I am so happy with how my players reacted to the game. training and just waiting for the reaction in tomorrow’s game [Friday].

“The preparation is something else and the game is something else but I’m sure we’ve done everything and we’re just waiting for the game. The first game is always important in every competition; we’re playing against a very good team.

Zambia are also grouped alongside Lesotho and Comoros and the former Croatian national team assistant coach has called on his fans to support the team as they return home for their second matchday against the Coelacanths.

“I also want to say a few words to our fans who are the most important people for me and for my team, to support us and I invite people to come to the second game which is also an important game for us, especially that we are at home,” concluded Asanovic.

The match against Comoros will be played at the National Heroes Stadium on June 7.

PREMIER League stars Sadio Mane and Mohamed Salah travel to Africa for the 2023 Nations Cup qualifiers (Afcon) tired and disappointed after a 70-game season that ended in Liverpool’s League final defeat champions.

Mane-inspired defending champions Senegal host Benin and visit Rwanda in Group L and are set to get maximum points in a competition where section winners and runners-up secure tournament places.

Egypt, captained by Salah, start with a home game against Guinea in Group D, then travel to Malawi to face Ethiopia, no ground of which meets international standards.

The first three of the 46 qualifying matches of the first and second days are scheduled for Wednesday and the last three on June 13.

Another Premier League star, Manchester City champions winger Riyad Mahrez, cannot lead Algeria against Uganda and Tanzania in Group F due to an undisclosed injury.

Barcelona striker Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang will be a notable absentee when Gabon face DR Congo and Mauritania in Group I after announcing his retirement from international football.

But the spotlight, as always, will be on Anfield teammates Mane and Salah, the last two winners of the African Footballer of the Year award.

According to global footballers’ union Fifpro, the two forwards made their 70th appearance in the 2021-22 season playing for Liverpool in the 1-0 Champions League final loss to Real Madrid last Saturday.

Fifpro believe footballers should play no more than 55 games per season, warning stars like Mane and Salah are being pushed to their physical limits.

Vincent Gouttebarge, Fifpro’s chief medical officer, sent an unequivocal message: “This type of work environment is conducive to the development of mental health problems.”

Liverpool manager Jurgen Klopp is sympathetic to his African stars, saying “Mane and Salah have two weeks off a year from physically demanding work”.

Short flying distances between European countries help national team stars, but Mane, Salah and hundreds of other Africans regularly face many hours in the air, punctuated by long layovers.

When South African teams play in North Africa, they usually travel via the United Arab Emirates or Qatar due to the lack of direct flights and to save costs.

Logistic challenges

While a few relatively wealthy national football associations charter jets, it is not uncommon for teams to be split into several travel groups and take several days to reach a destination.

Adding to the logistical challenges faced by officials, 16 of the 45 countries vying for 23 places alongside Ivory Coast next June cannot host matches due to substandard stadiums.

Morocco will host the matches of Burkina Faso, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Mauritius and Liberia while South Africa will serve as temporary home to Mozambique, Namibia, Eswatini and Lesotho .

A spokesman for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) told AFP that “the pitch, changing rooms and spectator facilities are inspected and other matters are considered before deciding on their suitability”.

South Africa have officially protested after Liberia announced they would play a Group K home match against Morocco in the North African kingdom.

A number of contenders will have new coaches, including top-10 ranked Nigeria, Ivory Coast and Egypt.

Ivory Coast, who last hosted the Nations Cup in 1984, have chosen Frenchman Jean-Louis Gasset and he faces a potentially awkward debut against Zambia in Yamoussoukro.

Not much has gone well for the Zambians since a clash in the 2012 Nations Cup final against the Ivorians, and the Chipolopolo (Copper Bullets) have failed to qualify for the last three editions.

But there is hope for a brighter future under recently hired Croatia coach Aljosa Asanovic, who can call on Premier League performers Patson Daka of Leicester City and Enock Mwepu of Brighton and Hove Albion.

Portugal’s Jose Peseiro began his reign as Nigeria boss with a 2-1 friendly loss to Mexico at the United Stars this weekend and they also face Ecuador before facing Sierra Leone and the island Maurice in Group A.

Nigeria should be wary of Sierra Leone, who staged the biggest comeback of Nations Cup qualifiers by overcoming a four-goal deficit to draw 4-4 with the Super Eagles in the previous edition.

Another Portuguese, Carlos Queiroz, could not agree on a contract extension with Egypt, so Ehab Gabal swaps Cairo club Pyramids for one of the most demanding national team positions in Africa ,

AFCON qualifying schedule

Qualifying matches for matchdays 1 and 2 from this Wednesday for the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations in Côte d’Ivoire (all kick-off times GMT):

Day 1

June 1, Wednesday

In Luanda

Angola v Central African Republic (1600)

In Benghazi, Libya

Libya vs Botswana (1600)

In Cape Coast, Ghana

Ghana against Madagascar (1900)

June 2, Thursday

In Lilongwe

Malawi v Ethiopia (1600)

In Johannesburg, South Africa

Mozambique v Rwanda (1600)

In Rades, Tunisia

Tunisia v Equatorial Guinea (1900)

June 3, Friday

To Moroni

Comoros vs. Lesotho (1300)

In Lome

Togo v Eswatini (1600)

In Yamoussoukro

Ivory Coast v Zambia (1900)

In Marrakech, Morocco

Burkina Faso v Cape Verde (1900)

June 4, Saturday

In Johannesburg, South Africa

Namibia vs Burundi (1300)

In Thies, Senegal

Gambia v South Sudan (1600)

In Cotonou, Benin

Niger v Tanzania (1600)

In Kinshasa

Democratic Republic of the Congo vs. Gabon (1600)

In Bamako

Mali v Congo Brazzaville (1900)

In Diamnaidoo, Senegal

Senegal v Benin (1900)

In Nouakchott

Mauritania against Sudan (1900)

In Oran, Algeria

Algeria v Uganda (1900)

June 5, Sunday

In Cairo

Egypt v Guinea (1900)

June 9, Thursday

In Marrakech, Morocco

Guinea-Bissau v Mauritius (1200)

In Abuja

Nigeria v Sierra Leone (1600)

Flap

Morocco against South Africa (1900)

Day 2

June 5, Sunday

In Luanda, Angola

Central African Republic vs Ghana (1300)

In Francistown, Botswana

Botswana vs Tunisia (1300)

In Antananarivo

Madagascar v Angola (1600)

June 6, Monday

In Malabo

Equatorial Guinea v Libya (1900)

June 7, Tuesday

In Johannesburg, South Africa

Eswatini v Burkina Faso (1300)

In Lusaka

Zambia v Comoros (1300)

In Marrakech, Morocco

Cape Verde v Togo (1600)

In Huye, Rwanda

Rwanda v Senegal (1900)

June 8, Wednesday

In Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

Burundi v Cameroon (1300)

In Kampala

Uganda v Niger (1300)

In Franceville, Gabon

Gabon v Mauritania (1600)

In Brazzaville

Congo Brazzaville vs Gambia (1600)

In Dar es Salaam

Tanzania v Algeria (1600)

In Cotonou

Benin v Mozambique (1900)

In Omdurman, Sudan

Sudan v Democratic Republic of the Congo (1900)

June 9, Thursday

In Kampala, Uganda

South Sudan v Mali (1200)

In Lilongwe, Malawi

Ethiopia vs. Egypt (1600)

In Soweto, South Africa

Lesotho v Ivory Coast (1900)

In Conakry

Guinea v Malawi (1900)

June 13, Monday

In Marrakech, Morocco

Mauritius v Nigeria (1300)

In Conakry, Guinea

Sierra Leone v Guinea-Bissau (1600)

In Casablanca, Morocco

Liberia versus Morocco (1900)

Remarks

Group winners and runners-up advance to the 24-team final, except in Group H where Ivory Coast automatically qualify as hosts and will be joined by the highest-ranked team between Zambia, Comoros and Lesotho.

Sixteen countries have moved home matches to neutral venues or one of their opponents as they lack stadiums of international standards. -AFP

Jurgen Klopp was smiling at the end, cheering and embracing the Real Madrid players as he crossed to collect a loser’s medal. He waited in the cordoned off area for the Liverpool players to round up his troops.

Then he placed his hand over his heart, which was adorned with a Liverpool badge and raised his arm, then a fist towards the handful of remaining Liverpool fans. He punched his heart out and in that moment you knew, behind the smile, the pain of deep defeat, but he would use it to wake this team up again.

There would be no treble. No seventh European Cup. Real Madrid, who probably should have been eliminated by Paris St Germain, by Chelsea and by Manchester City, and clung to the end here, beholden to the immensity of Thibaut Courtois’ refusal to surrender.

And yet, as the confetti cannons exploded, the fireworks started, and the party was in full swing for Madristas, your mind flashed back hours before that final.

How close we have once again come to a complete collapse of order, how the benign and the glorious have almost become dark and tragic.

Riot police and Liverpool fans pictured at the entrance to the Stade de France in Paris

As the Stade de France approached, two hours before kick-off, for an experienced football fan there was a terrible foreboding.

What had been a delightful and joyous scene en route to the stadium and during the day in Paris became tense and nasty. And as football fans we have been here before. Too many times.

I have been attending football games since 1978. Many times you have felt a situation spiral out of control. As a teenage fan, we watched and anguished what Liverpool fans went through at Hillsborough and mourned the 97 dead.

All those years before 1989 you thought someone was in charge, someone was controlling all those crowd waves and what looked like dangerous squashes going in and out of the pitches.

And then came Lord Justice Taylor’s report and it’s clear the police and football authorities had no idea. They invented as they went along.

Liverpool fans have reported heavy-handed tactics by French police as well as the use of tear gas

Saturday night was a bit like that. After attending the Euro 2020 final last summer, it was a surprise that UEFA’s next showpiece event also descended into chaos.

It is also just five months that people lost their lives in a crush during the Cameroon vs Comoros match at the Africa Cup of Nations.

At the end here was pepper spray and tear gas as police lost control of a situation entirely on their own.

There were tearful children, blind fans trying to navigate crushes with guides desperately trying to help. And at no time did anyone seem to have the power to take control.

Blocked access routes to the stadium and locked entrances have caused chaos for Liverpool fans

Shamefully, when it became clear the game could not start on time, the AP announcer at the stadium said the game had been delayed “due to the late arrival of the fans”.

Not the incompetence of the police, not his own total failure to organize security. No, the fans were again to blame.

Perhaps it was an overreaction to that night of ticketless fans who stormed the gates of Wembley last July. But it was different.

The atmosphere was benign, not toxic like at Wembley. Fans mingled, their respective songs being sung with good humor. But as you approached the stadium, for anyone with any experience of crowds, the situation was dangerously chaotic. And that was at 7 p.m., two hours before kick-off at 9 p.m.

A father covers his face and his son pulls his coat up over his eyes after Liverpool fans were ‘gassed’ by French riot police

As soon as you arrived within 50 meters of the Stade de France, the traffic jams started.

Incredibly, the police had parked three police vans to block off a driveway leaving only narrow spaces of three or four meters to cross. The reason was unclear. What was to follow was obvious. The number of fans was growing.

At 7:05 p.m., I first spoke to the police in French and told them that it was dangerous to move the vans. Most just shrugged. Some tried to help.

That’s when I saw the blind fans trying to make their way through a narrow gap. As I grew more and more frustrated – it seemed clear that the problem would get much worse as more fans arrived – a policeman agreed to call his boss.

I explained that there were thousands of fans behind us, that they needed to relieve the bottleneck. But junior officers couldn’t do anything without a commander to take control. Yet again, why was there no one in authority here at the points of danger?

This is an important detail. The UEFA statement would later say: “During the match, the turnstiles at the Liverpool side were blocked by thousands of fans who had purchased fake tickets which did not work in the turnstiles.” This created a buildup of fans trying to get in.

But that’s not entirely true. The initial buildup was caused by the sheer stupidity of the police vans, the failure of the authorities to adapt to the circumstances, and a terrible plan.

Fans were photographed climbing the gates of the Stade de France

The crush was now becoming uncomfortable. People were trying to navigate the two-lane road which was free but required crossing barriers. But the police blocked that.

Again, the reasons seem obscure. At that time, people were climbing the barriers either to clear themselves or to find a passage. There were no public service announcements.

As the expected thousands of fans arrived, police lined up to keep people off the road, but the line seemed shaky. They could not hold back the crushing of increasing numbers. You felt they wouldn’t stay in control for long.

During this time, we slowly made it through the breach and, incredibly, things got worse. Rather than walk straight up a wide footbridge to Liverpool, the police closed that road. Liverpool fans were led onto a pavement no more than two people wide. Again, the queue slows down.

To compound the problem, riot police then arrived, jostling people no doubt to deal with the situation behind us, which seemed to be spiraling out of control.

Later, you would see familiar scenes, riot police pushing fans away, children tearing gas, fans climbing on pickup trucks. To a dangerous and mishandled situation, they added batons and shields and pepper spray.

A Liverpool fan appears to be pushed back by a heavy-handed French policeman outside the Stade de France

Extraordinarily, even then, as we proceeded down the sidewalk, roadworks were blocking the trail, which meant you had to go around them at 90 degrees in almost single file.

Each point slowed the thousands of fans to a standstill. A policeman watching from a Portakabin mocked the fans.

At this point, I was scolding the police. You could feel the situation spiraling out of control: it had horrible echoes of past tragedies. The police with real authority were not there to handle the situation. It was left to the juniors and they didn’t have the power to make the obvious changes to relieve the bottlenecks.

No one would allow us to climb the many walkways leading to the stadium. As we moved forward, now moving away from our destination, it took us 20 minutes to get to the far end of the Real Madrid stadium, but now there was nowhere to go, a huge crowd ahead of us coming from the opposite direction.

Everyone jumped to a tiny entry point, about 3-4m wide, for ticket holders. The stewards were struggling to contain the crowd. There has been no ticket check so far, so it was impossible to know who had tickets and who didn’t. There was no chance of reaching the front.

Liverpool fans looked extremely distressed off the pitch as the atmosphere turned sour in Paris

Only my media pass got me past a police checkpoint and into the ground. It had taken an hour to cover about 100 m.

But even then, at 8 p.m., an hour before kick-off, I suspected that those I had left behind would not be there until the 9 p.m. kick-off. The queue wasn’t moving and clearly won’t be for a while. Fans whistled in frustration. Police, stewards and UEFA officials seem helpless.

I navigated the media entrance and once in the stadium the Liverpool end was less than a third full. To any sane person, it would have been clear that there was a dangerous problem.

Then came the delays, that rude announcement from UEFA saying it was caused by late supporters, which was misleading. And if fake tickets were circulating, win, how did the fans get to the turnstiles.

They should have been eliminated long before. Some might have chanced it, but many would have been innocent people, believing their tickets to be genuine.

And at the end of it all, you felt like crying, not because of the tear gas and pepper spray in the air, but because, 33 years after Hillsborough, football authorities seem unable to learn.

Doha: The Doha Film Institute (DFI) continues to strengthen its ongoing support for emerging and independent voices in filmmaking with 44 film projects from filmmakers around the world chosen for its Spring 2022 grant round. This was announced at the Cannes Film Festival 2022, where four of the Spring Grants winners present their projects, including two in the Un Certain Regard category.

The Doha Film Institute Grants Program, awarded in two cycles – Spring and Autumn, is the region’s longest-running film support initiative that identifies and supports emerging and emerging filmmakers around the world. By seeking out and promoting original voices, the program aims to develop a community of filmmakers among Institute alumni and encourages creative interaction among artists from around the world. To date, more than 650 film projects from 74 countries have benefited from the grant program.

Spring 2022 grant recipients include projects from more than 33 countries ranging from Chile to China, Poland to Ukraine, Egypt to Greenland, and Switzerland to Sudan. The selection includes 11 films by Qatari talent. For the first time, the grant is awarded to a film project from the Comoros. Nine filmmakers are returnees, having previously been supported by the Institute with grants or having been nurtured in Qumra.

Besides Qatar, the countries represented in this cycle are Algeria, Argentina, Belgium, Chile, China, Comoros, Croatia, Egypt, France, Germany, Greenland, India, Iran, Japan, Lebanon, Luxembourg, Morocco, Norway, Palestine, Philippines, Poland, Romania, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Sudan, Switzerland, Syria, Netherlands, Tunisia, Kingdom United Kingdom, Ukraine, United States and Yemen.

Among the films of this cycle selected to be screened at Cannes are All The People I’ll Never Be (France, Germany, Belgium, South Korea, Romania, Qatar) by Davy Chou; Harka (Egypt, France, Tunisia, Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, Qatar) by Lotfy Nathan; and Plan 75 (Japan, France, Philippines, Qatar) by Chie Hayakawa, screened in the Un Certain Regard section, and Cotton Queen (Sudan, Palestine, Germany, France, Qatar) by Suzannah Mirghani, selected at the Atelier de la Cinéfondation of Cannes.

Fatma Hassan Alremaihi, Managing Director of DFI, said, “We are honored to extend our support to emerging and emerging filmmakers with the Spring 2022 grant cycle which reiterates our commitment to promoting independent and important voices in film. At no time in recent history has the need to expand support for emerging filmmakers been greater, especially after the challenges of the past two years that have impacted the global creative industry. Our grants program is our longstanding commitment to building a body of exceptional filmmaking by new talent with stories that resonate globally.

Spring 2022 grant recipients include under MENA – Feature Narrative – Development: Feet (Qatar) by Mahdi Ali Ali; The other woman [working title] (Qatar, France) by Meriem Mesraoua; My Father’s Scent (Egypt, Norway, Qatar) by Mohamed Siam; and Yunan (Palestine, Germany, Syria, France, Italy, Qatar) by Ameer Fakher Eldin.

Under MENA – Feature Narrative – Production: Cotton Queen by Suzannah Mirghani; Gray Glow by Michele Tyan; Layla in Céline Cotran’s Dreamland; Abu Bakr Shawky’s 67th Summer; and The Last Days of RM (Algeria, France, Qatar) by Amin Sidi-Boumédiène.

NON-MENA – Feature documentary – Post-production: After the Bridge by Marzia Toscano; Between Revolutions by Vlad Petri; and Ainara Vera’s Polaris.

Every year, May 25 is known as Africa Day, meant to celebrate the successes of the Organization of African Unity, better known as the African Union (AU). It was on this date and this month that Africa made history by founding the OAU in 1963. It was to fight against apartheid, colonialism and also the progress that the continent made despite the challenges he faced.

Why is Africa important to India?

India has long-standing political ties with the continent and a huge diaspora population in the continent. According to experts, during the Cold War, under a non-aligned movement, many African countries had joined India in fighting against hegemonic powers.

Over the years, the two sides have increased their engagements, particularly between the navies, and to that end there has been a series of exercises at sea between the regional navies as well as the coast guards.

India and the island states of the African continent have established an inclusive regional maritime security infrastructure strategically located and there are regular interactions at the operational level.

Since the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is of critical importance to all countries in the region, a robust information sharing mechanism has been put in place by India to monitor the activities of the IOR. ‘IOR.

In addition, there are eight members in the India-led initiative Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), headquartered in Mauritius. Island states like Madagascar and Comoros are also part of IORA.

There is the African Union Integrated Maritime Strategy 2050

According to the IMS 2050 vision statement reports, the main objective is to develop a blue economy and foster increased wealth creation from the oceans and seas of Africa.

India & Sudan

Relations between India and Sudan date back to antiquity. “Evidence indicates that there was contact and possibly exchange nearly 5,000 years ago between the Nilotic and Indus Valley civilizations via Mesopotamia,” the ambassador said. India to Sudan, BS Mubarak.

Speaking to Financial Express on the eve of Africa Day, Ambassador Mubarak talks a bit about relations between the two countries. He says: “The first Sudanese parliamentary elections in 1953 were conducted by Shri Sukumar Sen, then India’s Chief Election Commissioner (the Sudanese Election Commission, formed in 1957, drew heavily on electoral standards and laws Indians).

Are there opportunities for Indian companies?

Yes, he said. According to him, “Sudan offers a lot of potential and opportunities for India. Sudan is the third largest country in Africa and has approximately 45 million inhabitants. Sudan occupies a unique position and is both African and Arab. It has a coastline of 850 km along the Red Sea and close to the Horn of Africa.

“The opportunities to promote trade relations with Sudan are enormous. India’s exports to Sudan are worth over $1 billion. Trade ties between the two countries are complementary in nature. Sudanese commercial establishments, especially in the fields of engineering, mining, steel production, sugar industry, food processing and pharmaceuticals, are deeply linked to India and depend on Indian technology, machinery and components,” he shares.

India as a preferred destination for education

The Indian envoy said: “An estimated 100,000 Sudanese have completed their higher education in India. To date, nearly 10,000 Sudanese students are pursuing higher education in India. Every year, we issue nearly 1500 visas for Sudanese traveling to India for higher education. India is also the top medical tourism destination for Sudanese nationals. Each year, nearly 7,000 medical tourism visas are issued to Sudanese nationals.

Blackburn Rovers prospect Jay Haddow is attracting interest from a host of clubs as he ponders his next move.

The young defender caught the eye at youth level for Rovers and featured regularly for the Under-18s last season and made 11 appearances for the Under-23s. He has a professional contract offer on the table at Ewood Park, but Premier League, Championship and Mainland clubs have shown interest in the 18-year-old.

Haddow, who was called up to the Japan Under-19 team for the prestigious The Maurice Revello Tournament, formerly known as the Toulon Tournament, is a right-back who has come through the ranks at Rovers, with his run to the last eight in the FA Youth Cup this season.

READ MORE: When every Blackburn Rovers player contract expires

The teenager was born in Hong Kong and is eligible to play for Japan as well as Scotland. It is with the
Samurai Blue that he has earned his international vocation and that he will join his country later this month for a tournament which takes place in France.

Japan will face Algeria, Comoros and Colombia in Group C of the 12-team tournament. The group winners and the best runner-up will qualify for the semi-finals. Many big names have cut their teeth in the competition, including Thierry Henry, Hugo Lloris and Ruben Loftus-Cheek.

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Comoros, Africa is a beautiful country located on the eastern coast of the continent. Often overlooked by tourists, this small country is home to incredible beaches, crystal clear waters and lush rainforests. Scuba diving, snorkeling, trekking and exploring the different communities of Comoros are just some of the activities available.

Yet among the countries to visit in Africa, if travelers are looking for a stunning and often overlooked beach destination, Comoros, Africa should be at the top of the list. This small country has some of the best beaches and clearest waters in the world. In addition to its stunning natural beauty, the Comoros is also home to many picturesque villages to explore. Visiting Africa can be safe, especially Comoros or their pressing FAQs on visiting South Africa, visitors should make sure to enjoy all the country’s activities including diving, snorkeling, hiking, etc. They will fall in love with the beach paradise of Africa with all there is to see and do.

What to do in Comoros

The country of Comoros is a group of beautiful tropical islands located in the Indian Ocean. Although a small country, there is plenty to see and do in Comoros. The beaches are some of the best in Africa and are perfect for swimming, snorkeling and diving. Several hiking trails wind through lush rainforests.

Comoros is a great choice for travelers who want to visit a country that is often overlooked. The people are friendly and welcoming, and there is plenty to see and do. The Comoros offers something for everyone, whether they want a quiet beach holiday or an action-packed getaway.

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How to get there

To get to Comoros, travelers will first need to fly to the country’s main airport, located in the capital Moroni. Several international airlines offer flights in Moroni, including Air France, Emirates and Turkish Airlines. Once in Moroni, travelers can get around the country quickly by renting a car or using public transport.

When planning the trip, travelers should keep in mind that the best time to visit Comoros is between December and April. This is the most pleasant time of the year, with the least chance of rain. However, if they are looking for a cheaper vacation, they can also visit the Comoros from May to November off season.

When people decide to visit Comoros, Africa, they are sure to have an amazing time. This small country is full of natural beauty and there is plenty to see and do. Travelers should make sure to add Comoros to their list of must-visit countries in Africa.

The best beaches and activities

Grande Comore, Mohéli and Anjouan have some of the most beautiful beaches in the Comoros. Grande Comore is the largest and most populated island and home to some of the most beautiful beaches in the country. Moheli is a small island located north of Grande Comore and is known for its beautiful beaches and clear waters. Anjouan is the third largest island in the Comoros and is home to several stunning beaches perfect for swimming, snorkeling and diving.

What to eat and drink

There are many types of seafood dishes and tropical fruits and juices. Seafood curry, octopus salad and coconut rice are among the most popular foods. Visitors should be sure to try a refreshing glass of coconut milk or banana juice while taking in the incredible views of Comoros beaches.

There is no shortage of options in the Comoros when it comes to things to do. Visitors can scuba dive and snorkel in the crystal clear waters, hike through lush rainforests, or explore the many villages located throughout the country. There are also several cultural activities to enjoy, such as visiting the Great Mosque of Moroni or attending a traditional dance performance. Whatever their interests, visitors will certainly find something to occupy themselves during their stay in the Comoros.

So, visitors looking for an incredible beach paradise that tourists often overlook should be sure to add Comoros, Africa to their list of must-see destinations. They won’t be disappointed with the country’s incredible beauty, delicious cuisine and friendly people.

Villages to visit

Comoros is home to many charming villages that are worth exploring. Some of the most popular villages include Hell-Ville on the island of Nosy Be, La Montagne on Moheli and Mutsamudu on the island of Anjouan. Each village has its own culture and history, which is worth visiting. Hell-Ville, for example, is known for its French colonial architecture, while La Montagne is home to a traditional Comorian village.

When it comes to diving and snorkeling, Comoros offers some of the best spots in Africa. The waters around the island of Mohéli are particularly clear and teeming with marine life. Other popular diving and snorkeling sites include the Banc d’Arguin National Park off Anjouan and the Comoros Islands Marine Reserve.

Hiking is another great way to explore the Comoros. Several trails wind through the country’s rainforests and through its highest peak, Mount Karthala. The most popular trek is the three-day trek from Mwezi Pass to the summit of Mount Karthala, which offers breathtaking views of the surroundings. For a day trip, the Ntsembeni trail to the top of the waterfall is a great choice. The countries to visit in Africa are endless, and each has its unique beauty. Comoros may be small, but it is full of natural wonders waiting to be explored.

RELATED: Top 10 Cape Town Natural Attractions in South Africa

Safety tips for traveling in Africa

When traveling in Africa, it is important to be aware of the potential dangers encountered. However, it is possible to have a safe and enjoyable trip with a few common sense precautions. Here are some safety tips potential visitors should keep in mind when traveling to Africa:

• Make sure they are always on the lookout for danger and keep valuables hidden away.
• Avoid walking alone at night or in deserted areas.
• Be careful when using ATMs and only use machines located in well-lit public areas.
• Keep copies of essential documents (passport, visa, etc.) in a safe place in case the originals are lost.
• Make sure they are covered for emergency medical evacuation with comprehensive travel insurance.

Travelers can make their vacation in Africa more enjoyable and less stressful if they follow these safety tips.

How to make the most of your trip

Visitors looking to get the most out of their trip to Comoros, Africa should keep a few things in mind. Above all, they should spend time on the beautiful beaches of the island. Comoros is home to some of the most beautiful beaches in Africa, so visitors should make sure to take advantage of them. They can also go diving or snorkeling in the crystal clear waters, hike through lush rainforests, or explore one of the many villages located across the country. No matter what they do, the Comoros will give them an incredible experience.

Tourists often overlook countries like Comoros, but that doesn’t mean they’re less worth visiting. Comoros is one of the safest and most beautiful countries in Africa. So, if they are looking for a fantastic beach paradise to add to their list of places to visit, travelers should be sure to put Comoros in the lead. They won’t regret it.

Comoros is a beautiful and often overlooked country located on the east coast of Africa. This small country is home to incredible beaches, crystal clear waters and lush rainforests. Scuba diving, snorkeling, trekking and exploring the different communities of Comoros are just some of the activities available. Comoros should be at the top of any traveler’s list if they are looking for an amazing and unique African country to visit.

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Heads of government offered their condolences to the sons of the late leader

President His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan continues to accept condolences on the third day from Heads of State, Heads of Government and delegates of nations around the world on the passing of Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan.

Sheikh Mohamed received condolences, at Mushref Palace in Abu Dhabi, from Prince Salman bin Sultan bin Abdulaziz Al Saud; the King of Malaysia, Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah; Governor General of Australia, David Hurley; Duke of Cambridge, Prince William; President of the Union of Comoros, Azali Assoumani; the Prime Minister of the Republic of Belarus, Roman Golovchenko; Azerbaijani Prime Minister Ali Asadov; Japanese Prime Minister’s Special Envoy Akira Amari; the special envoy of the President of the Republic of Korea, Chang Je-won; the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic, Ruslan Kazakbaev; Chadian Minister of State Abakar Manani; Special Envoy of the President of Benin and Ambassador of Benin to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Adam Bagoudou Zakari.

World leaders and Heads of Government offered their condolences to the sons of the late Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the Al Nahyan family and the Emirati people. They recalled his legacy and his wisdom which had evidently been reflected in the wise, moderate and cooperative policy of the United Arab Emirates based on the strengthening of peace and the constant and tireless efforts to promote security and stability in the region and in the world and following the legacy of the late founding father Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan since the establishment of the country.

Accepting condolences with Sheikh Mohamed were His Highness Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice President, Prime Minister and Ruler of Dubai; His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Mohammed Al Sharqi, Member of the Supreme Council and Ruler of Fujairah; His Highness Sheikh Saud bin Saqr Al Qasimi, Member of His Highness’ Supreme Council and Ruler of Ras Al Khaimah; Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Crown Prince of Dubai, accompanied other members of the Supreme Council.

World leaders and accompanying delegations also congratulated Sheikh Mohamed on his election as President of the United Arab Emirates and wished him luck in continuing the Founding Fathers’ journey towards further development and progress.

In turn, Sheikh Mohamed expressed his gratitude for the warm sentiments of Their Highnesses, Majesties and Excellencies towards the UAE and its people.

He thanked them for congratulating him on his election as President of the United Arab Emirates and for their sincere wishes and wished them good health and well-being and continued progress, prosperity, security and stability for their peoples and brotherly countries and friends.

This article first appeared in The conversation.

The COVID pandemic has had a profoundly negative impact on Africa’s sovereign debt situation. Currently, 22 countries are either in a situation of over-indebtedness or at high risk of over-indebtedness. This means that African governments have trouble paying debts they have incurred on behalf of their States. For example, Mozambique and Zimbabwe are already over-indebted. Other high-risk countries are Malawi, Zambia and Comoros.

This situation risks being exacerbated by the war between Russia and Ukraine. The conflict is provoking commodity prices, especially food and gasoline, to rise. It also disrupts supply chains for essential goods like fertilizers.

The ability of countries to manage their debt is complicated by the changing composition of debt. They now owe more money to a wider range of creditors.

In 2020, sub-Saharan Africa had a total outstanding external debt of US$702.4 billion, compared to US$380.9 billion in 2012. The amount owed to official creditors, including multilateral lenders, governments and government agencies, increased from ‘about US$119 billion to US$258 billion.

In the past, the official creditors of African countries were mainly wealthy Western states and multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. This group has now expanded to include China, India, Turkey and multilateral institutions such as the African Export-Import Bank and the New Development Bank.

In addition, the amount of bonds issued by African states in international markets has tripled over the past 10 years. These bonds are held by a wide range of investors such as insurance companies, pension funds, hedge funds, investment banks and individuals.

In our new book we address the challenges that these changes have created for the management of the sovereign debt of the 16 countries of the Southern African Development Community.

We hope the book will stimulate debate among scholars, activists, policy makers and practitioners on how the Southern African Development Community should manage its debt. Five recommendations emerge from the contribution. These include the need for increased debt transparency and an approach to debt management that considers a host of factors beyond simple finance.

THE LANDSCAPE

The book contains a series of essays originally presented in several virtual workshops organized in 2020. Participants sought to understand the debt challenges facing the countries of the Southern African Development Community. They also offered policy-oriented recommendations to address them.

The book includes contributions from a multidisciplinary group of international experts as well as African scholars. In their contributions, they discuss the complexities of debt management and debt restructuring – in general and in member states of the Southern African Development Community.

They pay attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the debt situation, but also recognize that this is only one contributing factor to the difficult debt situation in the region. Thus, they also focus on the broader domestic and international factors that shape debt management in the region.

In an effort to chart the way forward, the contributing authors addressed the following four themes:

• The impact of structural changes in the global economy on the debt landscape of the Southern African Development Community. The growing importance of finance in the global economy is one example.
• The challenges of sovereign debt management and restructuring in the region;
• The implications of the lack of transparency on the accumulation and use of sovereign debt;
• Options for integrating human rights and social considerations into sovereign debt renegotiations and restructuring.

Contributors make five key recommendations:

The first concerns debt transparency. The recommendation is that countries in the region adopt comprehensive debt data disclosure requirements and government borrowing procedures that are transparent and participatory. The objective would be to facilitate the accountability of the decision-makers concerned.

Debt transparency is the cornerstone of debt management reform. Sovereign debtors must follow well-known, predictable and binding legal procedures to incur new financial obligations. In addition, they must disclose the amount and contractual terms of their loans. This should include any provisions to enhance the security of the loan. One example is resource-backed loans. In these loans, the repayment is either made in natural resources or guaranteed by the income generated by the sale of the natural resource.

Sovereign debtors should disclose this information to their creditors, the multilateral financial institutions of which they are member states. They should also make information publicly available through national platforms.

Good governance. This involves strengthening national debt management policies to address governance issues.

Transparency alone will not guarantee responsible borrowing. Debt management frameworks and practices should comply with all principles of good governance. The list includes transparency, participation, accountability, reasoned decision-making and effective institutional arrangements.

Legal predictability. This is to reinforce contractual provisions in debt contracts.

Debt is a contractual relationship. It is therefore important – for debtors and creditors – to conclude contracts that are as comprehensive as possible. This means that contracts must fairly distribute the risks between the parties. This would include, for example, accommodating who is most able and willing to accept risk. In addition, contracts should provide the parties with clear answers to issues that may arise between them.

This would require policymakers to provide guidance to their debt managers on the terms and conditions they can agree to in contract negotiations.

Comparability of treatment during a restructuring. This means that, if necessary, all creditors should participate on comparable terms in any sovereign debt restructuring. Sovereign debtors in the Southern African Development Community can improve creditor confidence by offering all creditors comparable treatment. This would assure them that any relief they provide would benefit the debtor rather than other creditors.

This should facilitate the debtor’s efforts to reach an agreement with all his creditors.

A global approach. Sovereign debt is not just a financial issue. It has implications for the social, political, economic, cultural and environmental situation of the debtor country. This requires a holistic approach to debt restructuring that incorporates all relevant stakeholders. This includes citizens of debtor states, multilateral creditors, bilateral creditors and private creditors such as bondholders, institutional investors of all kinds and commercial banks.

It also requires all necessary issues to be resolved. These range from financial viability to the social, environmental and human rights impacts of restructuring.

The sovereign debtor and its creditors must therefore seek to engage effectively with each of these actors and with all of these issues.

These recommendations show the need for more innovative approaches to sovereign debt. One possible approach is the DOVE (Debt of Vulnerable Economies) Fund. It will use funds raised from all sovereign debt players to buy the bonds of distressed African debtors and will commit to only accept debt restructuring in accordance with a set of published principles based on international standards. that support a comprehensive approach to debt. restructuring.

For the second consecutive year, Chicago cultural institutions and dignitaries will celebrate Africa Day, an occasion celebrated around the world for 59 years, which honors the unity and cultural diversity of African nations through the arts, trade and diplomacy.

CHICAGO, May 12, 2022 /PRNewswire/ — About May 25cultural institutions, consulates, businesses and communities across Chicago will celebrate Africa Day. This holiday, celebrated by African communities and nations for nearly 60 years internationally, honors the diplomatic, economic and cultural heritage of the African Union, a collective of 55 representative states that negotiate trade and commerce on the continent.

Last year, Governor Pritzker issued a proclamation appointing May 25 Africa day in the state of Illinoisand Chicago celebrated with a reception on the north side of town attended by various dignitaries, including representatives of the Attorney General of Illinois Kwame Raoul, Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot and Cook County Commissioner Donna Miller.

This year, in honor of Africa Day, several events are planned, including an African Union flag-raising ceremony on Wednesday May 25 from 12 p.m.-1 p.m. at Daley Plaza. In addition to this, several co-sponsorships Chicago cultural organizations, including the Muslim American Leadership Alliance, will host special community events. The festivities will be followed by Chicago community leaders and various members of the Chicago Consular Corps, including representatives from Morocco, Egypt, Ethiopia, Green cap, Comorosand the Republic of the Congo.

Africa Day honors the contributions of African nations and peoples to Chicago shared cultural heritage; All are invited to join in this celebration and the important cultural moment it represents.

For press inquiries, please contact:

Zainab Khan | President, American Muslim Leadership Alliance | [email protected]

Sharif Hashim | Honorary Consul General, Comoros | [email protected]

SOURCE American Muslim Leadership Alliance

NNA |
Update: May 10, 2022 5:21 p.m. STI

Antananarivo [Madagascar]May 10 (ANI): India and Madagascar on Tuesday signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in Antananarivo between the public broadcaster of the two countries to explore co-production of programs and training, exchange of personnel.
The memorandum of understanding provides for collaboration between India’s Prasar Bharati and Madagascar’s ORTM (Radio and Television Office).
“A Memorandum of Understanding on Broadcasting Cooperation and Collaboration between Prasar Bharati, India and ORTM (Office de la Radio et de la Télévision) Madagascar was signed today in Antananarivo by Ambassador Abhay Kumar and BELALAHY Jean Yves, Director General of ORTM,” the Indian Embassy in Madagascar and Comoros said in a tweet.

As part of this agreement, Madagascar National Television will broadcast programs from the internal productions of the Indian Prasar Bharati.
“The MoU is aimed at program exchange, exploration of program co-production and staff training/exchange. Madagascar National Television will broadcast programs from Prasar Bharati’s internal productions in the areas of culture, education, science, sport, among others,” the embassy said in another tweet.
Recently, India and Madagascar have increased their bilateral engagement in several areas and are exploring various possibilities for cooperation.
Last week, Ambassador Abhay Kumar met with Malagasy Minister of Transport and Meteorology Rolland Ranjatoelina and discussed the possibility of opening a direct flight between Mumbai and Antananarivo.
“Ambassador Abhay Kumar today met with Mr. Rolland Ranjatoelina, the Honorable Minister of Transport and #Meteorology of Madagascar. They discussed the possibility of starting a direct flight between #Mumbai and #Antananarivo,” said Ambassador Abhay Kumar in a tweet on Thursday. (ANI)

Recent studies in geopolitics seem to agree on the fact that the rim of the Indian Ocean could become the most important economic region in the world, surpassing the rim of the Pacific. Indeed, competition among the world’s superpowers for control of the Indian Ocean and its resources has intensified.

An important trade route for centuries, the Indian Ocean now commands major shipping lanes through which half of the world’s container ships transit, as well as 70% of global oil shipments. It is an essential resource for the riparian states of the region, as well as for external powers.

However, as more and more countries jostle for a share, some blind spots in geography and key regional players have emerged. This hampers the ability to assess the importance of the region for global competition.

“The Indian Ocean is often divided between the regions of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, but these artificial divisions emphasize the landmasses and push the maritime domain towards the periphery. they shift the concerns and priorities of island nations, who would otherwise act as important regional players, in the face of the challenges of their mainland counterparts,” observed Darshanah Baruah and Caroline Duckworth, marking the launch of a new interactive map by the Carnegie Endowment aimed at modernizing the understanding of the region.[1]

To fully track and absorb key developments in this strategic maritime domain, the Indian Ocean must be viewed as a single region, argue Baruah and Duckworth.

For example, Sri Lanka and Maldives are considered part of South Asia, while Mauritius and Seychelles are considered part of Africa. Although these regional divisions suggest that these nations have major differences in economic goals and security needs, they are united on issues of climate change, the importance of multilateralism and the continued promotion of the blue economy.

Furthermore, four key points arise when Baruah and Duckworth view the Indian Ocean holistically.

Firstly, although the Indian Ocean is known to have three bottlenecks – the Strait of Malacca, the Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb – the Mozambique Channel has become a vital relief trade route . This was visible during the blockage of the Suez Canal in 2021, when some ships diverted around the Cape of Good Hope and through the Mozambique Channel.

These choke points provide a strategic military advantage to any regional player who takes control of them. If a single nation obtains the power to keep these maritime lines of communication (SLOC) open in times of peace, it also has the power to close them in times of conflict.

Take the case of the Strait of Hormuz, where approximately 21 million barrels of oil transit each day, according to estimates by the US Energy Information Administration (EIA). Even a minor event along this route can affect global energy supply and trade.

Second, while China is considered the biggest trading partner of the Indian Ocean island nations, their trade with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) frequently exceeds that of China, India and the United States. . In addition, Qatar and Turkey are emerging as new players in this commercial dynamic. , gradually replacing the European and African countries which were its historical trading partners.

Third, the fifteen ongoing territorial disputes in the Indian Ocean highlight the region’s complex colonial heritage. Notable unresolved issues include France’s multiple disputes with Comoros and Madagascar, and the protracted dispute between the UK and Mauritius over the Chagos Islands.

“These sovereignty disputes with the West open the door for the islands to deepen their relationship with China. Although it is assertive in the South China Sea, China does not have territorial disputes in the South China Sea region. Indian Ocean, seeking instead to balance Western influence,” Baruah and Duckworth note.

Finally, considering the Indian Ocean as a unique theatre, France, India and Australia have a key regional role. Due to the presence of territorial islands in the Indian Ocean, their military and commercial security objectives overlap. Hence the need for a harmonized strategy, implemented in collaboration through the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).

The views expressed here are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Maritime Executive.

1 – Nioumadioua marine reserve

If there is an incredible site to visit in the Comoros, it is the marine reserve of Nioumadioua villageSouth of Moheli Island. Whales, dolphins, rays, giant sea turtles, so many protected species that inhabit the seabed of this breathtaking place. Accessible by boat from the village, the reserve extends over several islets, where you can go dive or simply snorkeling. Finally, if your dream is to see whales, go from June to October, when they migrate through the warm waters of the Indian Ocean.

2 – The beaches of Itsamia and turtle nesting

In the small fishing village of Itsamia, the surrounding beaches are a favorite spot for green turtles. About 2500 of them come to lay eggs on the island each year. Unfortunately, the poaching rate is high, so locals and ADSEI Association (Association for the Economic Development of Itsamia) have been working since 1991 to ensure their protection. Visits organized and supervised by volunteers are offered to visitors, with the possibility of accommodation. Do not hesitate to ask for information when organizing your stay in the Comoros!

3 – Moroni, capital of the Comoros

Located on the west coast of the island of Grand Comorethe capital of moroni houses a port that provides access to the other islands of the archipelago, but also to Madagascar and the African continent. There are many things to see in the city: the Badjanani district and its many mosques, the national museum retracing the history of the Comoros, the medina and its many bazaars, as well as the Small Market and its Indian jewelry stores. An essential stopover during your visit to the Comoros.

4 – The Ylang Ylang distillery in the north of the island of Comoros

In the Comoros, travel is also olfactory. Let yourself be intoxicated by the scent of ylang ylang flowers in the Saloï distillery, on the island of Anjouan. Created in 2015, the place contributes to the economic development of the island and perpetuates local know-how. You can get a high quality essential oil, from sustainable development and 100% organic. A nice memory of this incredible site of the Comoros.

5 – The Karthala volcano, one of the largest in the world

Athletes can climb the Karthala Volcano, the largest active crater in the world. With the help of a guide, the hikes on offer can take you to the top, to 2361 meters above sea level. From this highest point of the archipelago, enjoy an idyllic breathtaking panorama. Count 5 to 6 hours of walking, with the possibility of sleeping in a bivouac. An incredible site in the Comoros to spend a night under the stars.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned that debt vulnerabilities remain high in sub-Saharan Africa, with as many as 20 countries in the region either at high risk of debt distress or already in debt distress.

The head of the IMF’s African Department’s Regional Studies Division, Papa N’Diaye, who revealed in a new podcast released by the multilateral lender, said the region’s debt burden was very heavy at a when the social and development needs are very great.

Unsustainable debt could lead to debt overhang, when a country is unable to meet its financial obligations and resorts to debt restructuring.

Although the IMF chief did not list the 20 African countries in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress, the most recently released data indicated that eight countries globally were in debt distress, 30 at high risk, 24 at moderate risk. and seven countries at low risk of debt distress.

African countries at high risk of debt distress were then listed as Burundi, Cabo Verde, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Comoros, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Malawi , Sierra Leone, Zambia,

Of the eight over-indebted countries in the world, all except Grenada are African. They include Chad, Republic of Congo, Mozambique, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Zimbabwe.

The IMF official said the debt service to income ratio had increased, adding that the debt burden is very heavy at a time when social and development needs are very great.

Despite its public debt profile of N39.556 billion ($95.77 billion) as of December 31, 2021 and a debt service-to-revenue ratio of over 80%, Nigeria is neither classified as an over-indebted country. nor at high risk of over-indebtedness.

N’Diaye said: “So for the countries of the region, the space to deal with the impact of the war in Ukraine is very limited, and difficult choices will have to be made. First, for us, the priority is really for countries to help the most vulnerable populations primarily through targeted transfers, if possible, especially countries with good social safety nets.

“Those without these safety nets could resort to food subsidies and tax cuts. But these will certainly have to be contained both in scope and time, given the fiscal space limited available to countries”.

He stressed that countries in sub-Saharan Africa should try to create more space by improving domestic revenue mobilization, as well as ensuring that they get value for money by increasing the efficiency of public spending.

According to him, “Sub-Saharan African economies were growing very strongly in 2021. We expected the region’s average growth to be around 3.7% for 2021. It turned out to be 4, 5% And most of that positive surprise, or momentum, started in the second half.

“But what the war in Ukraine did was put an end to that momentum. It led to a significant increase in commodity prices, to greater volatility in global financial markets.”

He said inflationary pressures had risen a lot, adding: “We are now seeing double-digit inflation for the region as a whole, higher I think at 11.5% by 2021. We expect that, if you look at the average for the period, to go towards 12.25 percentage points.

“And it’s the first time since 2009 that we’ve had this double-digit projection for inflation. And that mainly reflects higher food prices and higher energy prices.

“And as you can imagine, this will have a big impact on the region’s most vulnerable, increase poverty and potentially increase social tensions. So for policy makers in the region, like central bankers in particular, who face this inflation and the pressure will not be easy because of… also the impact that the policies could have on growth.”

Last Sunday was Groundhog Day for millions of French voters. They were lining up to choose between the same two candidates who had faced off five years earlier: far-right Marine Le Pen and center-right Emmanuel Macron. For the second consecutive election, the French left was excluded from the final round after far-left candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon lost second place to Le Pen by just 1.2%.

Yet despite the national defeat, the French left overwhelmingly won the votes of a key demographic: French Muslims. According to IOFP surveys, 69% of Muslims voted for Mélenchon, while Le Pen received a paltry 7%. What does the overwhelming membership of this group mean for the future of the French left?

A “Muslim” vote?

To think of a “Muslim” vote in religious terms (as ruled by an iman or a doctrine) is inaccurate. Muslims in France are not legally allowed to organize politically (Macron’s first term resulted in the establishment of a charter which prohibited “the instrumentalization of Islam for political or ideological purposes”). But, like any other demographic, the five million registered Muslim voters in France use their ballot to protect their interests – in this case, their right to exist and practice their faith.

Most of these Muslims are of African descent, descendants of post-World War II waves of immigration from Algeria, Senegal, Morocco, Mali or the Comoros Islands. the the majority live in Paris and its suburbs, its often demonized suburbs. In these poorer urban areas, belonging to a religious minority defines electoral tendencies. While low-income voters in predominantly black and Creole French overseas territories voted overwhelmingly for Le Pen in the final round, in mainland France, persecuted Muslims opted for the left.

Lina, born in France to North African parents and raised in the suburbs of Paris, supported the left for years. “Mélenchon, for all his character flaws, gave me an unexpected boost of hope for the end of 2021, and I truly believed there was finally a chance for positive change,” he said. she told Novara Media. “It pushed me to talk about politics with my family and friends. Some of them didn’t read the programs [manifestos] and had little or no idea what the candidates were offering. For Lina, Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise (LFI) was the best hope for low-income Muslims.

However, Muslim support for the FIS was not viewed positively by all. Following a poll, many mainstream media from all political backgrounds criticized Mélenchon for having created a “communitarian vote” and to refuel “Islamo-leftism”. Left magazine Marianne went so far as to accuse Mélenchon of promoting a “fundamentalist entryism”. But in a country where everything Muslims do is considered extreme, how could French Muslims not feel alienated by other candidates? “As a black French Muslim man, I have never been listened to or represented,” says Awad, 24, of Franco-Comorian origin. “Mélenchon’s party was the only party that made us feel like legitimate French citizens.”

Five more years.

The disillusionment of young French Muslims is the culmination of five years of a presidency that has further inflamed public perception of Muslims. Since Macron’s statement that “Islam is a religion in crisis all over the world” to the creation of a anti-separatist law which gives him the power to shut down any Muslim organization, Macron has fueled overt Islamophobia endemic in France since colonial period.

“I lost hope years ago,” says Imane, a Muslim of Moroccan origin who obtained French citizenship at 13. “French politics upsets me more than anything. I don’t feel represented. As a hijab-wearing woman, she feels insulted by the constant political fixation on the ‘veiled woman’, the phrase being the direct French translation of ‘hijab’ – telling in itself.

“This obsession with our hair, with this fabric, makes me sick,” says Imane. ” I’m empty. I just want my sisters and I to live like normal people, to study, to go out, to enjoy life. But instead, we are seen as monsters, Islamists or oppressed women.

This desperation was shared by many Muslims called last Sunday to choose between Le Pen and Macron. Some even described the decision as choose between “plague or cholera”. But youUltimately, for many, Le Pen’s form of Islamophobia posed the greatest threat because of the policies offered, including collage women wearing hijab.

“Macron and Le Pen are definitely not the same,” says Donia, a 24-year-old French journalist of Algerian-Egyptian origin. “Marine is the heiress of the Le Pen heritage. His father was a French soldier and torturer during the Algerian War, a man convicted of Holocaust denial. His party was founded by Nazi sympathizers. For me, Le Pen is the biggest danger. Donia – who says that for the first time she felt “exhausted” by politics – chose Mélenchon on her first ballot when she felt unaligned with her party or platform because she felt that “as a Muslim woman, [she] had no choice”.

A fractured left.

Mélenchon was the only candidate in this election who defended the rights of Muslims, calling Macron’s anti-separatism legislation a “a law against muslims”. But as Donia’s vote indicates, the Muslim support obtained by Mélenchon was perhaps more the result of a lack of options than the product of “Islamo-leftism”. Muslims felt they had no choice but to support the one person who apparently recognized their basic rights. The question is: will this bring about the birth of a new French left, with marginalized voices within it?

The French left has historically been associated with anti-religious “gobblers of priests” attached to republican ideas of laïcité (the strict French version of state secularism), universalism and assimilation. It is therefore difficult for French Muslims to trust the French parliamentary left. “The left is not pro-Muslim. I don’t trust a single leftist politician enough to believe [they’re] on our side,” says Jihad, a 25-year-old German teacher who acquired French citizenship from her Franco-Moroccan parents.

If the French parliamentary left wants to gain ground, something has to change. Although LFI won third place in the first round, other traditional left-wing political parties now seem extinct. In particular, the Socialist Party (PS) has not recovered since the divisive administration of François Hollande left it elected most unpopular French president of all time. The party’s 2022 candidate Anne Hidalgo, current mayor of Paris, didn’t even get 2% of the votes in the first round.

The future of the French left will be decided in June’s National Assembly elections, where LFI plans to create a new left coalition called the “People’s Union” with the Communist Party (PCF) and the Ecologist Party (EELV). This union, however, seems based on the principles of republican universalism – the idea that a nation should be a single homogeneous block and not the sum of various demographic data. Despite the electoral power of Muslims, the French left still prefers to appeal to its traditional electorate of white middle-class French voters.

But if the French left really wants to reinvent itself, it must also be ready to reinvent its principles. It must embed anti-racism in its foundations – not just preach it – to include marginalized people of color and Muslims as voices that need to be heard and represented. The rise of the far right in France and dissatisfaction with a weak center have opened up an opportunity for the left to chart a new course. Without French Muslims, however, it will face a stalemate.

Hanna Bechiche is a Franco-Algerian writer specializing in postcolonial politics and philosophy.

Football Association of Zambia (FAZ) President Andrew Kamanga has explained how the country can pay tribute to the victims of the 1993 plane crash in Gabon.

29 years ago, tragedy befell Chipolopolo, who was traveling to Senegal for a 1994 World Cup qualifier when their plane crashed, killing 30 people on board.

Kamanga led a low-key commemoration of Gabon’s 29th anniversary at Heroes Acre on Thursday and said the only way to celebrate the fallen players is to ensure the country has a successful campaign at the upcoming Africa Cup of Nations. , which will be held in Côte d’Ivoire in 2023.

“It will be a gift worthy of fallen heroes if we can remember them with victory in 2023, but first we have to qualify and then we can think how far we can go in the tournament. “Africa 2023 will be a special moment because it will be 30 years since the heroes died”, Kamanga said.

“We cannot overemphasize the role played by the heroes. They have sacrificed a lot and they have paid the ultimate price with their lives in national service.

“Next year is going to be a big party. We hope we can organize an international match around the event.”

Zambia are in Group H of the qualifiers which also includes Ivory Coast – the hosts – Comoros and Lesotho.

Eighteen players, technical staff, FAZ president, crew and government officials died on April 28, 1993, when a Zambian air force plane took them to Dakar for a match United States World Cup qualifier in 1994 crashed off the coast of Gabon.

All those who died during the flight:

Guardians: Efford Chabala (Mufulira Wanderers), Richard Mwanza (Kabwe Warriors).

Defenders: John Soko (Nkana), Eston Mulenga (Nkana), Whiteson Changwe (Kabwe Warriors), Winter Mumba (Power Dynamos), Robert Watiyakeni (Dynamos FC-RSA), Samuel Chomba (Dynamos FC-RSA),

Midfielders: Derby Makinka (El Tiffaqf -Saudi Arabia), Moses Chikwalakwala (Nkana), Mwila Numba (Nkana), Wisdom Chansa (Dynamos FC-RSA), Godfrey Kangwa, (Olympique Casablanca-Morocco).

Strikers: Kelvin Mutale (El-Tiffaq – Saudi Arabia), Timothy Mwitwa (Nkana), Moses Masuwa (Kabwe Warriors), Kenan Simambe (Nkana), Patrick Banda (Profund Warriors).

Technical staff: Godfrey Chitalu (head coach), Alex Chola (assistant coach), Wilson Mtonga (team doctor).

Others: Michael Mwape (President of the FAZ), Nelson Zimba (Civil servant), Joseph Bwalya (Journalist).

Crew members: Colonel Fenton Mhone (pilot), LT Colonel Victor Mubanga (pilot), LT Colonel James Sachika (pilot), Warrant Officer Edward Nambote (editor), Tomson Sakala (steward).

MAKKAH: Saudi Arabia’s General Presidency for the Affairs of the Two Holy Mosques is sparing no effort in its efforts to clean and disinfect the Grand Mosque despite the Kingdom seeing a steady decline in COVID-19 cases.

Mohammed Al-Jabri, Under-Secretary-General of the Services, Field Affairs and Environmental Protection Agency, said a series of preventive measures will ensure a healthy and safe environment for pilgrims to perform their rituals.

There is constant monitoring of disinfection and sanitation operations, as well as transport and other services provided at the gates of the Grand Mosque.

The mosque has 25,000 mats, while around 4,000 male and female workers and 11 smart robots are employed to disinfect and sanitize the site around the clock.

Commenting on the cleaning machines, Al-Jabri said, “The agency uses more than 840 equipment and machines to purify and sanitize the Grand Mosque. It also monitors environmental prevention and infection control operations by equipping several teams to sanitize all areas of the Grand Mosque, including outdoor courtyards, toilets, floors and carpets.

He added: “There are 8,000 electric and ordinary golf carts to serve pilgrims, including 5,000 ordinary golf carts and nearly 3,000 electric carts, which are disinfected before and after use.”

To ensure a smooth and organized movement of pilgrims, the agency has assigned supervisors to each of the 150 gates of the Grand Mosque to receive worshipers and guide them to prayer areas and the various entry and exit points of the Haram. .

Security guards have also been posted around the mosque to ensure that pilgrims are not disturbed by others engaging in prohibited activities, such as smoking, selling items or begging.

Al-Jabri said: “The agency has equipped the area with all the necessary services, including Zamzam water tanks, air conditioning, cabinets for copies of the Quran, a sound system, lighting systems , carpets, toilets, in addition to operating numerous escalators that transport worshipers and the elderly to all available floors.

“Agency employees monitor the entrance and exit of the faithful, ensure their safety, direct them to designated spaces to perform prayers, and organize walkways and corridors, with the participation of the competent authorities, according to the plans. prepared in advance to facilitate the movement of those heading for northern expansion with ease.

Al-Jabri said the agency distributes more than 2 million bottles of Zamzam water daily and more than 25,000 Zamzam containers are functional throughout the Grand Mosque, including 2,500 water points in the extension. north.

The agency also provides the funeral prayer area with a sufficient supply of Zamzam water containers and oversees the distribution of Zamzam water bottles in the courtyard for pilgrims, while ensuring that the carts and containers are constantly disinfected.

More than 50 random samples are taken daily from different locations inside the Grand Mosque to ensure that Zamzam water is safe to drink.

The agency issued 2,000 permits to provide meals to worshipers inside the Grand Mosque and 70 for the mosque’s outer courtyards, Al-Jabri said.

As part of a regional project to conserve biodiversity and use crop genetic resources, Seychelles is carrying out a survey of its three main islands to quantify the number of breadfruit trees in the country.

Called “Germination”, the project aims to improve food security in the countries of the Indian Ocean, namely the Seychelles, the Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Reunion and Tanzania.

Leading agricultural scientist at Anse Boileau Research Centre, Roy Govinden, told SNA that Seychelles is emphasizing breadfruit as it is an undervalued source of carbohydrates that grows in abundance in the country.

“Being a country that imports a large portion of the food we consume, we are quite vulnerable to external shocks, as past events have shown us. Should a situation arise where importing food into the country could not not be maintained, breadfruit is something we can fall back on,” Govinden said.

After completing an inventory on La Digue, the Seychelles Agricultural Agency (SAA) established a population of 311 breadfruit trees on the island nation’s third most populous island. Some areas of the main island of Mahé and the second most populated island of Praslin remain to be covered. The neighborhoods with the highest number of trees are Anse Aux Pins, Anse Royale and Baie Lazare.

“There is a large population of breadfruit trees in the country, but many are not accessible. The trees we see are quite tall and difficult to manage and therefore the fruit cannot be harvested,” said Govinden.

The Seychelles, an archipelago in the western Indian Ocean, is also looking to establish the different varieties of breadfruit to better utilize the fruits depending on what they are best suited for.

“So far we have been able to identify two or three varieties – there are rounder breadfruits and some tend to be longer, and the color of the inside of the flesh varies, one is whiter while another has a yellow tint to When we get to the categorization stage, we will be better able to identify them,” Govinden said.

Once the census is complete, the agency will redirect its efforts to educating the population on how to properly prune and manage their breadfruit trees to ensure the fruit can be harvested with higher yields.

“There will also need to be a focus on adding value to breadfruit. We will need to educate people about its benefits and how to add value to the product,” Govinden said.

Along with cassava (yam), breadfruit was a popular and traditional staple food in the Seychelles in the years before the regular importation of other staples such as rice, potatoes and bread flour .

The fruit, locally known as friyapen, has a tough green outer skin and an inner texture similar to a white or yellow potato and can be boiled, grilled, fried, steamed, roasted or more popularly baked in coconut milk called la daube as a dessert. .

Govinden shared that it is possible to process the fruit into flour which can also be used to make various food products.

Former Ivory Coast international Salomon Kalou believes the country doesn’t need a total overhaul for the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations.

Instead, the 36-year-old former Chelsea striker called on the Ivorian Football Federation to take a cautious approach in planning the qualifiers, the final of which will be hosted by the West African country. .

“We don’t have to throw away all the good things, but we can improve the things we were missing,” Kalou said as quoted by BBC Sport Africa. There are great things we did in the last cut. We lost against Egypt on penalties but Egypt, a very tough opponent with a good level, reached the final.

“So let’s not question everything we’ve done, but work on what went wrong.”

Last month, Ivory Coast confirmed the departure of coach Patrice Beaumelle after missing the World Cup play-offs and a knockout round at this year’s Nations Cup in Cameroon.

Kalou now thinks they have to look for the right man to replace Beaumelle.

“We need to find a good coach, then that coach would create a balance between old and young players,” Kalou continued. “You have to build a team, because to perform in this type of competition you need a team, a player cannot do everything. Without a good team, you simply cannot win a tournament.”

On Ivory Coast drawn in Group H of the qualifiers alongside Zambia, Comoros and Lesotho, Kalou said: “I think it’s a way to prepare ourselves because we’re not playing for ourselves. qualify, we play to prepare a team.

“It’s a challenge for the new coach who arrives, he has to build a competitive team. As hosts of the competition, we have to go all the way.

“Once you play at home you get extra motivation from the fans. It can be tough pressure, but it’s also positive pressure because when you play well you have the support of the whole country.

Kalou thinks that when Ivory Coast hosts the next AFCON, Africa will appreciate its hospitality.

“In my generation, we have never had the chance to play this competition at home, so it is an opportunity to host such a great competition for the continent,” added Kalou, who managed 93 appearances for the Elephants. and scored 27 goals.

“It was time, and I don’t know why we waited so long to welcome. Who doesn’t want to play at home on such a big football stage? Hosting all these top teams at home is something any player can dream of.

“But now it’s at home, we have to work very hard to make it a success. People are looking forward to it – they can’t wait to host this cup. Following the success in Cameroon, we want to do the same.

“We have good food in Ivory Coast and people are going to enjoy it.”

UNITED NATIONS — Two days after the start of Russia’s attack on Ukraine, a majority of members of the UN Security Council voted to demand Moscow’s withdrawal. One thing stood in the way: a veto from Russia itself.

It was the latest in decades of vetoes — on issues ranging from the Korean War to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to climate change — that at least temporarily stalled the council that was designed to be the most powerful component. of ONU.

A series of exchanges followed on the right of veto granted to only five of its 15 members: China, the United States, Russia, France and Great Britain. Everyone has used this power over the years.

Proposals to change the structure of the board or curb vetoes have wavered for more than half a century. But now a new approach – simply subjecting vetoed issues to scrutiny by the full UN membership – seems to be gaining ground.

Led by Liechtenstein, the measure has more than 55 co-sponsors, including the United States. The 193-member General Assembly is due to consider the proposed resolution on Tuesday.

“This is really an important initiative,” said Thomas Weiss, professor of political science at the City University of New York Graduate Center and senior fellow at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, who specializes in the politics of the UN. For him, the proposal promotes transparency and challenges the idea that a few powerful countries can block Security Council initiatives without even an explanation.

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“This suggests, in an important way, that the veto is not sacrosanct,” he said.

The proposal would not limit vetoes, but they would trigger public debates in the General Assembly. The vetoing country or countries would be asked to say why.

The assembly would not have to take or even consider any action. Either way, the discussion could put the veto holders on the spot and hint at a host of other countries.

It aims to “raise the voice of all of us who do not hold veto power and who do not sit on the Security Council on issues of international peace and security because they concern us all”, said the Ambassador of the Liechtenstein to the UN, Christian Wenaweser.

Since the start of the UN in 1945, World War II allies Britain, France, China, the Soviet Union (succeeded by Russia) and the United States have been the only countries to have permanent seats and a right of veto in the Security Council. The other members are elected for a term of two years.

While the General Assembly had a broad membership and a broad agenda, the council had more power. Its resolutions are legally binding, if sometimes ignored, and can result in military action (i.e. the assembly of peacekeeping forces with troops provided by various countries.)

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The vetoes appeared quickly. Frustration too. At the end of 1946, the assembly asked the council “to do everything possible” not to let the vetoes hinder rapid decision-making.

To date, more than 200 different Security Council proposals have been vetoed, including some by multiple countries, according to UN records. Topics were as broad as arms stockpile reports and as specific as the governance of part of the Indian Ocean nation of Comoros.

The Soviet Union/Russia issued by far the most vetoes, followed by the United States. Fewer still were dumped by Britain, China and France.

Countless other ideas never made it to a vote due to an expected veto.

All of this has spawned laments that the Council’s sometimes paralysis undermines its legitimacy and public confidence in the United Nations. And Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has only brought these grievances into sharper focus.

“We are dealing with a state that turns the veto in the UN Security Council into a right to die,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told the council by video on April 5. Stating that the group “simply cannot work effectively”, he called on members to eliminate Russia, reform or “disband and work for peace”.

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Russian Ambassador Vassily Nebenzia, in turn, bristled that his country had been thwarted in its efforts to hold a separate council meeting on Ukraine the day before. Current council chairman Britain said it was just a disagreement over timings.

With the Council deadlocked, the General Assembly without veto voted to demand that Russia stop the war, to blame Russia for the ensuing humanitarian crisis, to demand an immediate ceasefire and to suspend Russia from the UN. Rights Council. Russia later said it had pulled out of the rights group ahead of the vote.

Assembly resolutions can function as important statements of world opinion, but are not legally binding.

Liechtenstein originally planned to present its proposal in March 2020, but waited due to the coronavirus pandemic, Wenaweser said. He said the standoff in Ukraine had helped build support for the idea.

US Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield cited what she called Russia’s “shameful tendency to abuse its veto power” when she announced last week that Washington backed the government’s proposal. Liechtenstein. She called it innovative and a “significant step towards accountability, transparency and accountability” for countries with veto power.

The United States last used it to kill an August 2020 proposal on the prosecution and rehabilitation of those involved in terrorism. Washington objected that the measure did not call for the repatriation of foreign fighters from the extremist group Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

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Other countries with veto power did not respond to requests for comment on Liechtenstein’s proposal. Wenaweser said Russia had raised objections, centered on opinions about the proper role of the General Assembly in matters of international peace and security.

Wenaweser said his country is “pragmatic” about the future of the veto, but “we want to help initiate a change in mindset about how the veto is expressed.”

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Former Ivorian star Salomon Kalou believes his country has a “good chance of winning” the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations when it hosts the tournament in June and July next year.

Kalou and former South African star Lucas Radebe conducted the draw for the 2023 qualifying groups on Tuesday at the SuperSport television studios in Johannesburg.

Although automatically qualified as hosts, Ivory Coast were included in the 48-team draw and placed in Group H along with Zambia, Comoros and Lesotho.

With the Ivorians assured of a place in the next Nations Cup, only the best ranked of the other three teams will join them in the final.

The regrouping with Zambia will bring back sad memories to the Ivorians, who suffered a shock defeat against the Chipolopolo (Copper Bullets) on penalties in the 2012 final in Gabon.

Ivory Coast won the first African national team competition in 1992 and 2015 and Kalou is confident the ‘Elephants’ can score a hat-trick on home soil.

“Playing at home is always an advantage,” said the 36-year-old who helped the Ivorians beat Ghana on penalties to win the 2015 final in Equatorial Guinea.

“Teams gain strength when they play in front of their countrymen. What we have to do is find the right balance in the squad between youth and experience.

“If we achieve that, the chances of the title remaining in Ivory Coast after the tournament are high.”

Ivory Coast are without a coach after deciding not to renew Frenchman Patrice Beaumelle’s contract following an exit in the round of 16 of the 2021/2022 Nations Cup following a penalty shootout against Egypt.

Reigning champions Senegal, who beat Egypt on penalties after a goalless final two months ago in Yaoundé, are in Group I with Benin, Mozambique and Rwanda.

Egypt, a record seven times champion but loser of two of the last three decisive titles, were paired with Guinea, Malawi and Ethiopia in Group D.

Belgian-born South African coach Hugo Broos wanted an “easy” draw but didn’t get one as they face Morocco, Zimbabwe and Liberia in Group K.

The story continues

Nigeria, one of several African countries currently without a coach, are set to face Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau and Sao Tome e Principe or Mauritius in Group A.

Zimbabwe and Kenya’s participation in Group C depends on FIFA lifting bans on the countries due to government interference by mid-May, two weeks before the start of the qualifiers.

To design

Group A: Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome e Principe or Mauritius

Group B: Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Togo, Eswatini

Group C: Cameroon, Kenya, Namibia, Burundi

Group D: Egypt, Guinea, Malawi, Ethiopia

Group E: Ghana, Madagascar, Angola, Central African Republic

Group F: Algeria, Uganda, Niger, Tanzania

Group G: Mali, Congo Brazzaville, Gambia, South Sudan

Group H: Ivory Coast (hosts), Zambia, Comoros, Lesotho

Group I: Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon, Mauritania, Sudan

Group J: Tunisia, Equatorial Guinea, Libya, Botswana

Group K: Morocco, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Liberia

Group L: Senegal (holder), Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda

Appointment

May 30-June 14: Days 1, 2

September 19-27: Days 3, 4

March 20-28, 2023: Days 5, 6

Remarks

— The winners and runners-up of each group except H qualify for the 24-team finals in Ivory Coast in June and July 2023

– Ivory Coast automatically qualify from Group H as tournament hosts, with the highest ranked of the other three teams

– Kenya and Zimbabwe are suspended by FIFA due to government interference in the running of the sport and they will only be allowed to compete if the bans are lifted by mid-May

– Mauritius protested a 4-3 aggregate loss to Sao Tome and Principe in the preliminary round and the outcome of a disciplinary hearing will decide which nation will compete in Group A

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